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Product details
File Size: 1061 KB
Print Length: 244 pages
Page Numbers Source ISBN: 0815732783
Publisher: Brookings Institution Press (January 16, 2018)
Publication Date: January 16, 2018
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B0741C94LF
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Hal Brand’s “American Grand Strategy in the Age of Trump†grappled with the implications of Post WWII grand strategy and its’ permanent role in American global influence. This up-to-date narrative presented an analysis of what grand strategy was, how it was implemented, and its’ future. While this topic had no perfect answer, Brands successfully used each chapter to address both sides of the ongoing “Push Forward, Pull Back †(Barry Posen, Pull Back) debate. Brands ultimately concluded that “grand strategy†had a net positive impact on the world and the U.S., therefore, the implementation of grand strategy must continue regardless of short-term drawbacks.In chapter one, Brands pointed out that the United States’ use of military and diplomacy formed a global co-op unmatched in previous times. Using this evidence, Brands argued that it was in the U.S. and the world’s best interest to continue grand strategy regardless of proposed alternatives because this model is so highly effective. Why would one fix something that isn’t broken? Chapter two presented the aforesaid alternatives, most prominently offshore balancing. This method promoted the use of soft power to govern rather than hard power. He let the readers probe the costs and benefits of decreasing military involvement in the world. He pointed out that monetary costs would be greatly reduced, and high-conflict areas (such as the Middle East) might become less agitated if the military gave some space for autonomy. However, he later refuted offshore balancing by stating that offshore balancing’s benefits are sorely overstated. He claimed there was no guarantee that relations in the Middle East would improve. In fact, withdrawing forces might compromise American security.Chapter three outlined President Obama’s weak military efforts and the repercussions of his military withdrawals. All this, he claimed, was due to Obama “overlearning†from the mistakes of President Bush. Due to the nature Brands’s writing (he compiled things previously written, and organized them into chapters) this chapter was unnecessarily lengthy. His argument, instead of expounded upon, was rehashed in a way that was difficult to continue reading. Regardless of my opinion, learning of the Obama administration gave crucial background to the conditions of grand strategy previous to the Trump election.In chapter four, Brands provided two analysis of how Trump’s election in affected the well-being of internationalism. In his first argument, he stated that the Trump election was an anomaly due to the historical unpopularity of both candidates. In his other argument, he claimed that Americans have forgotten why grand strategy was erected. With the inauguration of Trump, he claimed that Americans have sentenced Post-World War II agendas to the gallows, unless American internationalism could subject itself to an overhaul.Chapter five suggested two ways in which American internationalism could transform. First, the Trumpian “Fortress Americaâ€: a new isolationism that benefitted America, and America alone. Second, a more cooperative America. One that would work with its’ allies to distribute the work load and make better trade deals. Even with these proposed changes Brands felt the need to address what to do with the military.Chapter six presented 4 solutions to the United States’ crumbling military influence and credibility. First, he proposed that the US should invest in a 20-year overhaul of our military that could match the United States’ bark with its’ bite. The second proposed that withdrawal from the Baltic States and the Middle East could easily balance our commitments with our military force. The third method? Bluffing. He said that the United States rely on its’ reputation: No country would dare challenge a back to back World War champion. Finally, the United States could employ Cold War strategy and use nuclear threats to enforce their commitments. With each of these strategies came major pullbacks (especially nuclear warfare), however the most critical part of his argument is what he did not say—covertly stated, increasing defense spending has the least number of foreseeable drawbacks.His final chapter trumpeted that Trump was not as radical as his campaign may have implied, but he managed to reshape parts of US strategy that were fundamental to the success of the United States through his initiatives, rhetoric, and mannerisms.Hal Brands’ engaging read took head on the concerns of many about American grand strategy. While some of his material may have been redundant, he provides a comprehensive and multisided narrative about grand strategy. This is a must-read for any person who hopes that “The American public as a whole still thinks that the United States is the greatest and most influential country in the world, and bipartisan support remains strong for the country to take an active part in world affairs.†(p 88)
Mr. Brands is specializing in a subject that is ill-defined, not openly or fully disclosed by its practitioners, and that changes not just every four years, but with "the vicissitudes of global and domestic politics."Want a definition of "grand strategy"? Look on page 51, where it is finally outlined--in a vague, fuzzy manner that makes you suspect that "there's no 'there' there--but there's plenty for a Beltway guy, and Johns Hopkins prof, to grind out 223 pages of slippery text with sometimes-recursive notes (he quotes his own previous book on grand strategy in explaining why grand strategy is 'no panacea')--text that is speculative and inevitably lacking in specifics, since Mr. Trump is a constantly moving target. That's not the professor's fault at all, of course, and he gets full marks for embarking on his "project," although that is a fool's errand: It's just not possible to publish a book-length essay of this sort that wouldn't be outdated before being trucked out of the printer's back shop.Mr. Brands does do some editorializing, though, in a way that I'm sure is closely aligned with the neoliberal Brookings agenda (and I will say with regret that I once considered Brookings an even-handed, centrist think tank, but they have truly become a conservative voice in recent years, and I no longer trust or respect their work). An example of Prof. Brands' editorializing is in the conclusion to the chapter with the rhetorical question: "Does America Have Enough Hard Power?" Unsurprisingly, his answer is a sobering "No!", and that "the best approach is to find the resources necessary to bring American forces back into line with the grand strategy they were meant to support."Sharp-eyed and quick-witted readers will note that there IS no "grand strategy" fully and reliably outlined in the book--and by definition, discerning Mr. Trump's G/S is like finding an ant's foot on a black rock on a moonless night--but, we are assured by the Distinguished Professor of Global Affairs, the U.S. needs to gear up militarily for a muscular global role that this quixotic, isolationist, and resolutely nationalist president must have in mind, however fleetingly.
Good Book
The title alone should warn you off- the idea that the US has a "grand" strategy is belied by the dark, ill informed, ad hoc nature of American foreign policy post WW2- this is neocon baloney to be avoided.
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